Learning to Give, Philanthropy education resources that teach giving and civic engagement

generationOn

Find Lesson Plans Browse Resources

Faith Groups

Jewish Philanthropy in American Society
By Dr. Gary A. Tobin, Institute for Jewish & Community Research, San Francisco, CA

The Americanization of Jewish Philanthropy

Jewish philanthropy tells a great deal about the evolving character of Jewish life in the United States: An ethnic/religious group defining its place in American society, while at the same time shaping its own internal direction and self-definition. Philanthropy is the means by which much of the Jewish communal agenda is debated and decided. Jewish philanthropy shapes values and norms as well as responds to them. Most Jewish fundraising organizations are not only institutions that raise money, they are also institutions that educate, lead, and define the values of American Jewish society.

Indeed, the Americanization of Jewish philanthropy has taken place. Jews are now so integrated into the American mainstream, that the Jewish philanthropic system has taken on the character of the civil tradition of philanthropy in the United States, as well as the religious tradition of Jews. Philanthropy among Jews mirrors certain aspects of the American system, especially among the very wealthy. They, like other Americans, will pick and choose causes that they want to support, most often preferring philanthropies with which they have some affinity or connection.

Three trends in American philanthropy are paralleled within Jewish philanthropy. First, umbrella giving is diminishing. Just as the United Way represents a decreasing presence, so do federations' annual campaigns play a decreasing role in overall Jewish philanthropy. The annual campaign of federations is still a major engine in Jewish philanthropy, but probably accounts for no more than 10 to 15 percent of all funds raised by Jews for Jewish causes (including synagogue dues and contributions). The umbrella campaign is likely to continue its decline as the central force in American Jewish philanthropy.

Second, the rapid growth of private foundations, both in terms of numbers and assets, continues unabated. More dollars are being deposited, but the pace of the distribution is slow. Most Jewish foundations, like the foundation world as a whole, see the 5 percent distribution requirement as a ceiling not a floor. Therefore, more and more money is accumulating, but not necessarily being utilized in the present for Jewish community-building purposes.

Third, there is an enormous accumulation of wealth, both from a healthy economy and the stock market boom of the 1990s, even with the subsequent decline. Donors and foundations have more money to give away. Like the Jewish community, other ethnic and religious groups also are suddenly seeing increased contributions to their philanthropic structures (Campoamor, Diaz, and Ramos 1999).

The Americanization of Jewish giving has also included a growing propensity to give to philanthropies outside of the Jewish community. American Jews have become an integral part of the philanthropic mainstream, donating large sums to a variety of institutions and organizations in the realms of education, health, human services, culture, politics, and others. These donors have become involved more deeply in non-Jewish philanthropy for four reasons.

The first is acceptance and integration into American society through the removal of anti-Semitic barriers. Jews play prominent roles in institutions from which they were once prohibited from leadership roles due to anti-Semitic restrictions. Involvement in the general society's philanthropy signals both group and individual triumph to blend into the American mainstream.

Second, serving the non-Jewish community is seen by many as a mission of their Jewish-ness. The possibilities for giving as an expression of Jewish life are extended even further by broadening the definition of what is Jewish. Some individuals believe that they are performing an explicitly Jewish act by contributing to a secular shelter for the homeless or even an emergency food program for the hungry under Christian auspices. Even though the recipients, both institution and clients, are non-Jewish, the act of performing mitzvot with Jewish sensibilities can make practically any giving opportunity a Jewish one to some donors. This philosophy extends the opportunities for giving from the myriad of Jewish institutions and causes to a decision-making matrix which, for all practical purposes, is infinite. Philanthropy is also a means to reduce the conflict between being Jewish and being a “middle-class,” that is, ordinary, American (Adelson 1995).

Third, many donors believe that they must contribute to societal institutions outside the Jewish community because they desire to “put something back into the community.” Many feel that America generally, and their local community specifically, has been very good to them. Many Jews feel that they have been given incredible opportunities to be full-functioning and accepted members in an open society. They believe that since the country has been so good to them, and the society so open, that there is a quid pro quo for Jews to support general institutions as well as Jewish institutions. Therefore, they express their gratitude to the nation and to the community through philanthropy. Philanthropy becomes a “thank you” to America, a statement of personal gratitude in addition to a religious act or ideology.

A fourth factor is the desire to represent the Jewish community, to be ambassadors of the Jewish people, and to secure good will for Jewish causes. Some Jewish donors do not want non-Jews to assume that they support only Jewish causes, or that Jews are too insulated or self-concerned. Some feel that if Jews are too isolated and provincial, the hospitable atmosphere of the general society will not respond to Jewish needs. By giving to a wide variety of general causes, some donors feel that they will ensure general community support for Jewish concerns.

Indeed, there is evidence that Jewish philanthropists are more likely to make their largest gifts to non-Jewish philanthropies (Tobin and Karp 2002). Mega-gifts of $10 million, $50 million, $100 million, or even more from Jews are not uncommon to non-Jewish philanthropies. These gifts are not necessarily paid out in a one-year period, but may be paid over a five- or ten-year period or longer. Nevertheless, non-Jewish causes are attracting the largest Jewish donor gifts. Individual Jewish philanthropists make annual gifts of substantial amounts to Jewish philanthropies, but it is less common to see mega-gifts given to the Jewish community. Universities, symphonies, hospitals, and museums are capturing the largest gifts from Jewish donors.

This issue assumes greater significance because Jewish giving to Jewish organizations and institutions is increasingly top heavy: more money being given by fewer Jews. Younger generations of Jews especially are, in general, less tied to Jewish life and are decreasingly committed to Jewish philanthropy. Giving to the Jewish community has become more discretionary as opposed to obligatory, and younger Jews tend to give to the secular rather than the Jewish communal structure.

Jewish philanthropy remains distinctive for two reasons. First, Jews give significant proportions of their philanthropy to support Israel. This includes societal needs such as health, education, and culture, and also state support in the form of absorbing immigrants or rescuing Jewish communities and helping them to move to Israel. While younger Jews are less inclined to give to Israel than older Jews, the total number of dollars going to Israel continues to increase.

Second, while churches and religion comprise the single largest area of giving for all Americans, Jews give significantly less to religion than other Americans. Jews are less likely to belong to a congregation than Christians and concomitantly less likely to contribute to a congregation. National religious organizations also garner less support from Jews.

Jewish Values and Philanthropy

Jewish philanthropy is anchored in three pervasive values. The first is tzedakah —the ancient religious imperative to provide for those in need. Tzedakah —literally righteousness—is a deeply embedded set of religious obligations that Jews have for one another and all human beings. A variety of scholarly and popular works attest to this relationship of tzedakah and social justice in the contemporary American Jewish community (Bush and Dekro 1993). The set of ideologies and behaviors that constitute tzedakah resembles other faith traditions of charity; concepts of sharing both energy and material goods with those who are less fortunate. Also like other Americans, the impulse for philanthropy is deeply ingrained as an emotional and psychological desire to help others (Wuthnow 1991). What distinguishes tzedakah is the absolute sense of obligation, its matter-of-factness. It is a must, not a should. It is a command, not a consideration. It is not a matter of choice. An individual is not considered generous because one shares that which they have, because one is supposed to do so.

Tzedakah is deeply embedded in Jewish thought and feeling, especially the imperative to provide for basic human needs, such as food and shelter, and for children in need. These concerns are the foundation for the intricate set of social and human services Jews build for their communities. Tzedakah is also dedicated to serving the world-at-large, non-Jews as well as Jews. The need to “repair a broken world” ( Tikun Olam ) is deeply embedded in community values and norms. A strong universalistic component characterizes Jewish philanthropy. The interest in social justice and volunteering evolves constantly. It continues to take new forms, such as the Jewish Service Corps, which is designed to serve the secular rather than the Jewish world ( The Chronicle of Philanthropy 1999).

The command of righteousness through philanthropic obligation was codified within a set of societal laws that wove a system of communal order. How one was to perform righteous acts was laid out in an elaborate set of instructions — first in the written law ( Torah ), and then in the oral law ( Talmud ) of the Jewish people. These acts of giving became interwoven into the basic foundation of Jewish society. Religious and civic systems were fused: religious acts and civic actions were one and the same. Philanthropy, as Jewish Americans understand it, is not part of a “voluntary sector” that is separate from governance or civil law, but fully melded into an overall communal structure. Some consider philanthropy the civil side of Jewish life, and synagogue attendance or ritual observance the religious side, when both are actually religious in nature (Woocher 1987).

As the religious/social societies of Judaism were transplanted and maintained in a multitude of Diaspora communities, Jews brought their philanthropic systems wherever they went (Sachar 1993; Johnson 1988). Thus the systems of philanthropy became more and more institutionalized over time. In place after place, century after century, this religious/social structure was replicated. Jews maintained separate or quasi-separate societies with human and social service systems. Long before the “public sector” took responsibility, Jews took care of other Jews. They became proficient in designing, building, and maintaining service systems. They would bring this accumulated knowledge and practice to America. The synergy between Jewish philanthropy and the American system would make both systems flourish even more.

Tzedakah and the philanthropic systems that derive from the religious values of providing for basic human and social needs have been part of the construct of Jewish life for so long that the vast majority of Jews who participate have little knowledge or understanding of the religious origins of their actions. Over time, these religious values have been translated into communal norms, even in the absence of individual or institutional knowledge or recognition of the religious origins of the beliefs and behaviors. These feelings and actions are now “hard-wired” into the Jewish subconscious and communal psyche, guiding and directing Jewish behavior.

Jews have therefore constructed an elaborate human services network consisting of housing, programs for the elderly, teens, and children, counseling services, vocational services, and many others. The human service system comes from the traditional Jewish imperative to take care of the needy, but also from the separate nature of Jewish societies prior to coming to America. The human service system was solidified as a self-help model for the acculturating Jewish immigrants in America. The network is also distinctive for the variety of its programs and the diversity of the organizations and institutions. It is difficult to imagine a more comprehensive system for a relatively small population.

The second value expressed through Jewish philanthropy is the reinforcement of ethnic, cultural and religious identity. Philanthropy expresses the desire to maintain separate identity and community. Elaborate systems are developed to support Jewish education and to perpetuate religious life. Not only is it a righteous act to feed a hungry person, it is also a righteous act to educate a poor Jew or, logically extended, to help subsidize the religious participation of any Jew who cannot afford it. The philanthropic system has a large component dedicated to creating successive generations who identify and act as Jews. The day-to-day support of synagogues through membership dues and other contributions is so ordinary, regular, and uneventful that it is usually not considered much in discussions of American Jewish philanthropy.

Third, philanthropy is used for self-protection from external threats. The persistence of anti-Semitism throughout Jewish history has required funds for defense systems and rescue efforts. Defense has evolved into political lobbying, legislative campaigns, and the development of political coalitions with other interest groups. A number of organizations such as the Anti-Defamation League, American Jewish Committee, and the American Jewish Congress were created to fight anti-Semitism (Tobin with Sassler 1988; Elizar 1995). There is little question that Jews will rally to give more money to fight anti-Semitism when they feel the need. Rescue includes efforts to raise money to help bring Jews out of the former Soviet Union where they are threatened by anti-Semitic violence, or from Ethiopia, where they are subject to both discrimination and extreme poverty. Jews in America have also developed an elaborate system of rescue organizations, community relations organizations, lobbying organizations, and institutions to support Israel. The current rise of worldwide anti-Semitism reinforces the feelings that Jews have to maintain these systems of fighting prejudice against Jews particularly and against all racial and ethnic groups as well.

Support for Israel is linked to the need for self-protection. Israel is seen by world Jews as the ultimate expression of religious destiny, pride, and self-protection. It is considered to be a safe haven from discrimination and violence in a hostile world.

Jewish society was constructed to carry out the religious imperatives. These patterns were reinforced by Jews living in isolated subcultures; more often than not, they were persecuted and denied the most basic economic, social and individual rights. Expressions of righteousness also became defense mechanisms: Jews taking care of their own as a necessity in the face of external hostility. Therefore, philanthropy and the social and institutional structures created by it were a communal expression of survival. If Jews did not take care of their own, they would perish in a hostile world. The very fabric of Jewish society linked giving and survival in Jewish consciousness and behavior. Raising money has never been about raising money alone. It has always included serving God, helping fellow Jews, and fending off aggression and discrimination.

The conundrum of Jewish philanthropy rests in being both successful and afraid. Integration into American society draws Jews to non-Jewish philanthropy. At the same time, acceptance into the secular society transforms the distinctive cohesiveness of Jews and therefore requires more communal attention and funding. The very success of American Jewry necessitates more rather than less funding for the Jewish communal infrastructure. Yet Jews are more drawn to the causes and institutions of the secular society, except when faced with an external threat.

Bibliography

Adelson, Evan M. 1995. “The Dirty Business of Charity: Raising Money, Reproducing Stratification, and Constructing the Jewish Community.” American Sociological Association paper.

Bush, Lawrence, and Jeffrey Dekro. 1993. Jews, Money and Social Responsibility: Developing a “Torah of Money” for Contemporary Life. A Guidebook with Supplementary Essays by Letty Cottin Pogrebin and Arthur Waskow, with a Forward by Jonathan Schorsch . Philadelphia: The Shefa Fund.

Campoamor, Diana, William A. Díaz, and Henry A. J. Ramos, eds. 1999. Nuevos Senderos: Reflections on Hispanics and Philanthropy . Houston, TX: Arte Público Press, University of Houston.

Cimino, Richard, and Don Lattin. 1998. Shopping For Faith: American Religion in the New Millennium . San Francisco: Jossey Bass Publishers.

Elazar, Daniel Judah. 1995. Community and Polity: The Organizational Dynamics of American Jewry . Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society.

Independent Sector . 1999. “Giving and Volunteering in the United States, 1999, Executive Summary.” Washington, D.C.: Independent Sector.

Johnson, Paul. 1988. A History of the Jews . New York: HarperPerennial.

“Rabbi Nurtures Young Jews' Quest for Faith and Service.” 1999. The Chronicle of Philanthropy (14 January): Special Report, Religion Section.

Sachar, Howard. 1993. A History of the Jews in America . New York: Random House.

Tobin, Gary, with Sharon L. Sassler. 1988. Jewish Perceptions of Anti-Semitism . New York: Plenum Press.

Tobin, Gary, and Mordechai Rimor. 1990. “Jewish Giving Patterns to Jewish and Non-Jewish Philanthropy.” Pp. 134-164 in Faith and Philanthropy in America . Edited by Robert Wuthnow and Virginia A. Hodgkinson and Associates. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.

Tobin, Gary, Amy L. Sales, and Diane K. Tobin. 1996. Jewish Family Foundations Study . San Francisco: Maurice & Marilyn Cohen Center for Modern Jewish Studies/Institute for Community and Religion, Brandeis University.

Tobin, Gary. 1997. “A Qualitative Analysis of Contributors to Jewish Philanthropies.” in Jewish Demography 1993 and Selected Proceedings of the Demographic Sessions held at the 11th World Congress of Jewish Studies. Jewish Population Studies 27. Edited by Sergio DellaPergola and Judith Even. Jerusalem: The Avraham Harman Institute of Contemporary Jewry.

Tobin, Gary, Michael Austin, Meryle Weinstein, and Susan Austin. 1999. Jewish Foundations: A Needs Assessment Study . San Francisco: Institute for Jewish & Community Research.

Tobin, Gary, and Alex Karp. 2002. A Study of Philanthropic Mega-Gifts . San Francisco: Institute for Jewish & Community Research.

Wertheimer, Jack. 1997. “Current Trends in American Jewish Philanthropy.” Pp. 3-92 in American Jewish Year Book 1997: A Record of Events and Trends in American and World Jewish Life 97. Edited by David Singer and Ruth R. Seldin. New York: The American Jewish Committee.

Woocher, Jonathan. 1987. Sacred Survival: The Civil Religion of American Jews . Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Wuthnow, Robert. 1991. Acts of Compassion: Caring for Others and Helping Ourselves . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.


Generated by Points of Light International
Follow generationOn on Facebook
Message